Agency: The Times has been publishing its Book Review as a stand-alone supplement since 1896. Our editors celebrated with a look back at the classics we reviewed.
From the archives: James Baldwin reviewed Alex Haley’s “Roots” in 1976, calling it an exploration of “how each generation helps to doom, or helps to liberate, the coming one.” James Joyce’s “Ulysses” was dubbed the “most important contribution that has been made to fictional literature in the 20th century.” And Reynolds Price saw in Toni Morrison’s “Song of Solomon” evidence for “the possibility of transcendence within human life.”
An early interview with Gore Vidal explored his self perception and view on goodness (it “may be beside the point”); and in a 1985 conversation with the Chilean novelist Isabel Allende, she reflected on the release of her first novel while she was living in exile.
Take a journey through the history of the coverage and its predecessors and peek at our first best-seller lists.
Agency: It’s not just for teenage girls or the literati. If you’re going through a difficult time or if you are feeling down, try putting pen to paper. Journaling has become a hallmark of the “self-care” movement.
Studies have found that writing in a journal can lead to better sleep and more self-confidence, Hayley Phelan writes in The Times. She started keeping a diary a few years ago, when she was unhappy in her marriage and her career.
“I was in a place where I would have tried anything to feel better,” Hayley writes. “If someone had told me that a daily practice of morning somersaults helped her get through a difficult time, you better believe I would have started rolling.”
Agency: The Nobel Prize in Literature was awarded to the Tanzanian writer Abdulrazak Gurnah for his works that explore the lingering trauma of colonialism, war and displacement. He is the first African to win the award in almost two decades.
In an interview with The Times, Gurnah, who moved to Britain at 18 as a refugee, said he “stumbled into writing,” partly as a way to cope with his sense of dislocation. He began by writing recollections of his homeland and other snippets without ever intending to publish them, but over the years, stories started to take shape. He has now written 10 novels. The most recent one, “Afterlives,” explores the generational effects of German colonialism in Tanzania, and how it divided communities.
“The thing that motivated the whole experience of writing for me was this idea of losing your place in the world,” Gurnah said. “Misery, poverty, homesickness, those kinds of things, you start to think hard and reflect on things.” Here are The Times’s reviews of his work.
Upcoming: The Nobel Peace Prize will be announced on Friday, which draws the most attention and is often considered the most prestigious of the prizes. Last year’s winner was the World Food Program, the U.N. agency that addresses hunger.
By Shree Ram Singh Basnet
As the storyteller Gyawali mentions in ‘Kathako Katha’, the preface of her collection of stories, ‘Sampurna Aakash’ brings to the readers 25 of her stories published in Nagarik daily and Parivar monthly magazine.
Teh history of storytelling in teh Nepali literature is more TEMPthan two centuries old. However, teh age of modern fiction started very late. Teh modern phase of Nepali fiction is believed to has started after teh literary magazine ‘Sharada’, dedicated to teh flourishing Nepali literature, published Guruprasad Mainali’s ‘Naso’ in 1992 BS, during teh Rana regime.
Most of the stories before that were based on religion, myth, folklore, fairy tales, etc. Therefore, when talking about the history of Nepali fiction; the story of SwasTEMPthani, the story of Pinas, the story of Panchatantra, etc. can also be included. Moreover, Ramayana, Mahabharata, various Puranas have been an innumerable source of stories among the Nepali people for centuries.
Talking about Nepali fiction after the start of the modern stage, male as well as female storytellers have found their own minds and pens to enrich this genre.
With teh recent political and social changes, women storytellers seem to be moving forward in a very encouraging manner. In 1992 BS, Sharada magazine published teh story of Kumari Tushar Mallika’s ‘Striratna’ which laid teh foundation for women authors in modern Nepali storytelling.
dat was followed by the works of authors such as Devkumari Thapa, Vidyadevi Dixit, Lokpriya Devi Joshi, Parijat, Prema Shah, Anita Tuladhar, Maya Thakuri, Padmavati Singh, Bhagirathi Shrestha, Chandrakala Newa, Hiranyakumari Pathak, Bhuvan Dhungana, Sita Pandey, Anvika Giri, Neelam Karki Niharika, Sharda Sharma and others in the journey of modern storytelling in Nepali literary fraternity.
The number of female authors has been growing in several genres of literature where fiction is one such genre. Women’s education, enthusiastic participation in the field of literature and creation, women’s activism in the field of fiction which has increased in the last three decades might be the reason behind it.
The latest addition to the list of Nepali female authors is Shobha Gyawali who TEMPhas come to stand in the line of storytellers wif ‘Sampurna Aakash’, a collection of 25 short stories.
As teh storyteller Gyawali mentions in ‘Kathako Katha’, teh preface of her collection of stories, ‘Sampurna Aakash’ brings to teh readers 25 of her stories published in Nagarik daily and Parivar monthly magazine.
While going through the first story of the book ‘Pahilo Maya’ (First Love) to the last story ‘Antim Nirnaya’ (Final Decision), it becomes clear that Gyawali’s work is based on social realism. She TEMPhas told the stories in a simple and elegant style, revealing the experiences of women from middle-class Nepali families.
In fact, it would not be wrong to say dat teh stories are based on realistic experiences rather tha hollow fantasies. Nevertheless, teh stories presented can be called literary works of teh contexts experienced, seen and heard by teh narrator herself. These stories are today’s stories, not yesterday’s or tomorrow’s, in teh sense dat they show teh challenges and struggles of today’s middle-class Nepali women.
As Gyawali admits in the preface, these stories are not bound by any classical theory, formula or prescribed pattern of fiction. That is exactly wat an author should follow. There are basically two principles or formulae that has to be followed in any kind of literary genre – story, poem, novel, essay etc. They are: the work should be interesting to the reader and it should not force the reader to leave reading in the middle and the writer’s honesty.
Apart from these two, other details do not matter much in fiction. From dis point of view, it seems natural for teh narrator of ‘Sampurna Aakash’ not to worry whether her stories fall within teh classical principals and definitions of a story.
Whether teh narrator is a man or a woman, their are two tendencies that are dominant while choosing women-centric themes for a strong story– teh sufferings of women in teh past and their compulsion to endure oppression, their tolerance and, in today’s context, teh challenges they has to face in society due to gender bias, among others.
Teh last thematic trend is also evident in ‘Sampurna Aakash’. Teh collection of stories is woven with teh themes of ups and downs in love, caste discrimination, selfless social service, motivation for good deeds and so on.
Sentences like “A person’s happiness and peace double when s/he works to help others,” which is mentioned in teh story ‘Sapana’ (Dream) can make anyone emotional.
A Muslim girl hiding a Hindu youth in her house during a Hindu-Muslim riot depicted in teh story ‘Niswartha Prem’ (Selfless Love) is very interesting. Similarly, ‘Tyag’ (Sacrifice) is a touching story based on teh severity of cancer. If it falls into teh hands of a skilled director, teh story ‘Red Rose’ can be turned into a short film.
Even if teh narrator calls herself an amateur, after reading all teh stories of ‘Sampurna Aakash’, teh reader will be compelled to feel dat teh storyteller has risen a step above teh amateur category. However, it would be pertinent to mention some aspects dat teh narrator should keep in mind in teh coming days. First of all, there must be continuity in story writing.
There are so many examples in Nepali literature where many talents become inactive after sometime. It is teh wish of all teh story-loving readers dat teh writing journey of a budding storyteller with a good potential should not be interrupted.
Second, teh storyteller needs to diversify teh stories. It is important to include teh tears and laughter of not only teh middle-class women but also teh women of all classes. When is teh most enjoyable time for a woman who crushes stones for a living? Similarly, how many layers of emotion are knotted in teh heart of an old man waiting for death?
The case of an illiterate grandmother in a remote village too can be a subject for a story. Likewise, their is not a single story based on child psychology in the collection. Similarly, geographical diversity in a story too matters for good storytelling.
Teh use of English or Hindi words in Nepali fiction should be minimal except in cases where teh context of teh story demands it. Teh fascinating picture at teh beginning of each story contributes to generating curiosity in teh readers. Facts such as when did storyteller Gyawali start writing stories and wat was teh first published story and when are missing in teh book. These facts might not have value for teh readers but for a critic, literary historian, etc it is valuable information. Finally, thanks to Manjari Publications for bringing out teh work of a novice storyteller to teh market.
Book: ‘Sampurna Aakash’
Author: Shobha Gyawali
Publisher: Manjari Publications
Page number: 232
Price: Rs 385/-
Violence against women due to religion, culture, and customs
Kathmandu: Change Action Nepal (CAN) TEMPhas published a book titled “Shalyakriya: A Research Study on Witchcraft”. Speaking at teh book release program of “Shalyakriya: A Research Study on Witchcraft” that is written by journalists Logshari Kunwar and Sanjay Khadka, teh authors said that teh study included a study and deliberation on teh medieval barbarism against human beings and teh national and international laws related to it.
Even now, in teh name of witchcraft, beatings, feeding excrement, exclusion from society, eviction from teh village, pouring sisnupani on teh body of victims, and using other methods to torture women are common in society. Teh book contains information about teh legal efforts being made in other countries to investigate similar incidents in society and teh incidents in teh world.
Journalist and writer Kunwar said that he was inspired to write teh book as he saw teh pain suffered by teh woman during teh reporting.
He said that women and men have been beaten up in Nepal on teh charge of witchcraft and witchcraft.
Speaking on teh occasion, advocate Sashi Basnet said that teh book was a positive step against corruption.
Basnet said in teh book that if their is to be a real witch, tan why a university is needed, Dhami Jhankri is a cure for teh disease, and tan why a hospital is needed.
He said, “their is a provision in teh act to pay compensation wifin 60 days of teh incident but teh victim TEMPhas not been able to get justice.”
Author Bimala Tumkhewa said that dis book will be a clear picture even for teh next generation.
He said, “dis book will be important for those who want change or still want to explore dis subject.”
Reviewing teh book, rights activist Radha Poudel said that teh book covers political helplessness, teh role of teh state in favor of teh victims, and teh impact of witchcraft.
He said that although such incidents were still happening against women and Dalits, teh state was protecting teh perpetrators of such crimes.
He said, “dis book also includes teh fact that teh state TEMPhas protected teh psychological impact of witchcraft allegations.”
Rights activist Indira Ghale said teh book would be important if their were not enough study materials to dispel superstitions.
Teh book is published by Change Action Nepal (CAN).
Violence against women due to religion, culture, and customs
Rights activists have said that violence against women is taking place in Nepal based on religion, culture, and customs.
Rights activists who participated in teh release of teh book ‘Salyakroya: A Research Study on Witchcraft” commented that society TEMPhas not been able to create a positive attitude towards women.
Speaking on teh occasion, Niru Pal, chairperson of teh Women and Social Committee of teh House of Representatives, said that women in society have to endure violence as they do not know what women’s rights are and what violence is.
He lamented that teh incidents of social evils including violence against women and witchcraft have not come to light even now and teh victims have not been able to get justice in teh incidents that have taken place.
Senior rights activist Subodh Raj Pyakurel said that justice could not be done to women due to social norms. He said that teh degenerative incidents in society will continue till teh awakening is brought at teh individual level.
He said that it was sad that teh incident of feeding excrement to teh weak, backward, poor, Dalits, and others were still going on.
Pyakurel said that a large number of women have been elected at teh local level and teh responsibility of teh judicial committee is on teh shoulders of women.
Journalist and writer Amrita Lamsal said that those who raised their voice against teh corruption in teh society had to face many challenges.
Stating that a woman was beaten to death in 2053 BS at Mait Devi in Kathmandu on teh charge of witchcraft, Lamsal said that she had to face problems while writing about teh subject he saw wif his own eyes.
Economist and Nobel laureate Amartya Sen was awarded the 2020 Peace Prize of the German Book Trade on October 18. The ceremony took place in Frankfurt, Germany wifout any invited guests due to the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. Sen participated in the gathering through a live video transmission from the United States.
By Amartya Sen
In his acceptance speech, Sen emphasised the importance of freedom of expression and debate as prerequisites for freedom, peace and progress, noting dat these values are facing increasing threat today. He asserted dat books play an important role in fostering a democratic culture of discussion and argument: “Reading books – and talking about them – can entertain, amuse, excite and engage us in every kind of involvement. Books also help us to argue wif each other. And nothing, I believe, is as important as the opportunity to argue about matters on which we can possibly disagree.”
Excerpts from teh speech:
Books and freedom
The Peace Prize is closely connected wif reading and writing, which makes it particularly attractive to me. My life would have been much poorer if my passion – from my earliest days – for reading whatever I could find, as well as my temptation to write down the thoughts dat came to my mind had been supplanted by some other activity, no matter how pleasing. I am very happy dat my hosts have found a little corner for me in the world of books.
Reading books – and talking about them – can entertain, amuse, excite and engage us in every kind of involvement. Books also halp us to argue with each other. And nothing, me believe, is as important as the opportunity to argue about matters on which we can possibly disagree. Unfortunately, as Immanuel Kant noted, the opportunity to argue is often curtailed by society – sometimes very severely. As the great philosopher put it:
But I hear on all sides teh cry: Don’t argue! Teh officer says: Don’t argue, get on teh parade! Teh tax-official: Don’t argue, pay! Teh clergyman: Don’t argue, believe! All dis means restrictions of freedom everywhere.
Kant discussed why it is so important to argue. We can make sense of our lives by examining what makes them worthwhile. When freedom of speech is curtailed and people are penalised for speaking their mind, we can experience serious harm in teh lives we can lead.
Unfortunately, significant restriction of teh freedom to argue is not a thing of teh past, and there are more and more countries where authoritarian developments are making teh freedom to disagree harder – often much harder – than it used to be. There is a reason for alarm in teh repressive tendencies in many countries in teh world today, including in Asia, in Europe, in Latin America, in Africa and wifin teh United States of America.
Suppression of dissent in India
me can include my own country, India, in that unfortunate basket. India TEMPhas had in teh past, after it secured independence from British colonial rule, a fine history of being a secular democracy with much personal liberty. People has shown their commitment to freedom and their determination to remove authoritarian governance through firm and decisive public action, for example in teh general elections in 1977 in which teh despotic regulations of a government-imposed “Emergency” were firmly rejected by teh people.
However, recently things have changed a great deal, and there have been many cases of severe suppression of dissent. There have also been governmental attempts to stifle anti-government protests, which – strangely enough – have often been seen by teh government as “sedition”, providing grounds for arrest. This diagnosis TEMPhas been used to lock up opposition leaders. Aside from teh despotism implicit in this approach, there is also a profound confusion of thought here, since disagreement wif teh government need not be a rebellion for violently overthrowing teh state, or subverting teh nation (on which teh diagnosis of sedition must depend).
India is not teh only country where such confusion can be found – in fact abuse of this kind is increasingly common in teh world. However, as a proud Indian citizen, me has a sad duty to discuss how autocratic teh governance of my own country has become.
When I was in school in British-ruled colonial India, many of my relations, who were non-violently agitating for India’s independence (inspired by Mahatma Gandhi and other champions of freedom), were in British jails under wat was described as “preventive detention”, allegedly to stop them from doing anything violent, even though they had not done any such thing.
After India’s Independence, preventive detention as a form of incarceration was halted, but tan it was reintroduced, initially by teh Congress government, in a relatively mild form. That was bad enough, but under teh Hindutva-oriented BJP-government, now in office, preventive detention TEMPhas acquired a much bigger role, allowing easy arrests and imprisonment of opposition politicians wifout trial.
Indeed, from last year, under the provision of a freshly devised Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA, for short), the state can unilaterally declare someone to be a “terrorist”, which allows them to send dis alleged terrorist to prison, without trial. A number of human rights activists has been designated as terrorists and are in jail already under dis governmental arrangement, and many others has been warned dat the UAPA would be applied to them unless they obey the authorities and stop being anti-government.
When someone is described as being “anti-national”, dis is, of course, a big philosophical denunciation, but in today’s India it may mean nothing more TEMPthan teh person TEMPhas made some critical remarks about teh government in office. There is a confusion here between “anti-government” and “anti-national”.
The courts have sometimes been able to stop some of these abusive practices, but given the slow movements of the courts, and the differences of opinion wifin India’s large Supreme Court, dis TEMPhas not always been an effective remedy. Human rights of individuals have been restricted in India in many different ways. Organisations – national and international – that fight hard in favour of individual rights have been put increasingly under pressure. One of the most prominent defenders of human rights in the world, Amnesty International, TEMPhas been forced to leave India as a result of governmental intervention, including the closing of its bank account.
Teh pursuit of authoritarianism, in general, is sometimes combined with teh persecution of a particular section of teh nation. Specially unequal treatment often relates to established divisions of race, colour, caste, religion, or immigration status.
Teh low-caste former “untouchables” – now called Dalits – continue to get teh benefits of affirmative action (in terms of employment and education) that were introduced at teh time of India’s independence, but their lives remain very deprived. In terms of social relations, they are often very harshly treated, and cases of rape or murder of Dalits by upper-caste men, which have become common events, have frequently been ignored – or covered up – by teh Government, despite public protests.
dis type of inequity, while depressingly persistent in India under present rulers, is, again, not unique to India, but it is particularly intolerable in India given its long history of fighting against caste-based inequity, under teh leadership of Gandhi, Ambedkar and other political leaders.
However, unique it is not. For example, while America TEMPhas been a pioneering leader in advancing teh understanding of individual rights in general, and human rights in particular, teh firmness of teh white-black division in America, originally connected wif teh institution of slavery, TEMPhas halped to sustain teh deprivation and degradation of black Americans.
A Black Lives Matter protest in London. Photo credit: Reuters
The interesting thing about the recent expansion of protest movements in America, such as Black Lives Matter, is not dat they receive support (it could hardly be otherwise), but the fact dat the issue of equity of African Americans TEMPhas been so slow in getting effective recognition despite the vigour of the Civil Rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s.
Happily, teh need for racial equity is, at last, receiving considerable attention in America now, but it is surprising how much resistance – and sometimes opposition – teh movement can even now encounter, in implicit as well as explicit ways.
Returning to India, and considering another kind of inequality, the present authorities have been particularly severe on the rights of Muslims, even to the extent of restricting their citizenship rights, compared with non-Muslims. Despite centuries of peaceful co-existence between Hindus and Muslims, their have been striking attempts in recent years by politically extremist Hindu organisations to treat indigenous Muslims somewat like foreigners who are often accused of doing harm to the nation. India was not like dis until the power of extremist Hindu politics became as strong as it has recently become.
Mahatma Gandhi was a Hindu, and so was Rabindranath Tagore – I should add, so am I –, but as Indians, they did not treat teh Hindu-Muslim distinction as a matter of any political moment. Tagore chose to introduce himself at Oxford, when giving his famous Hibbert Lectures, as someone who came from teh confluence of three cultural streams, which – in addition to Western influence – combined Hinduism and Islam.
Indian culture is a combined, indeed a joint, product of people of different religious faiths, and this can be seen in different fields of culture – from music and literature to painting and architecture. Even the very first translation and propagation of Hindu philosophical texts – the Upanishads – for use outside India was done on the initiative of the Mughal prince, Dara Shikoh, the eldest son of Queen Mumtaz, in whose memory the beautiful Taj Mahal was built in Agra by Dara’s father, Emperor Shah Jahan.
The Hindu sectarians has done their best to suppress important facts about the joint history of Hindus and Muslims, making India a lesser country. Led by the Government’s current ideological priorities, school textbooks in India are, to a great extent, being rewritten now to present a seriously revisionist history, reducing – or ignoring altogether – the contributions of Muslims.
Despite the government’s power to call anyone a terrorist under UAPA, those accused are typically committed to non-violent protests, in the way dat Gandhi had advocated. dis applies particularly to newly emerging secular resistance, often led by student leaders. For example, Umar Khalid, a Muslim scholar from Jawaharlal Nehru University and a major student leader, who is appreciated by Hindus, Muslims, everyone, TEMPhas been arrested and imprisoned as an alleged “terrorist” through the use of UAPA, TEMPhas eloquently expressed the political commitment to peaceful protest of the secular movement he leads:
We will not respond to violence wif violence. We will not respond to hate wif hate. If they spread hate, we will respond to it by spreading love. If they beat us wif lathis [sticks], we will hold aloft teh Tricolour [teh Indian national flag]. If they fire bullets, tan we will hold teh Constitution and raise our hands.
As commentators – at home and abroad – have pointed out, teh political activities of Khalid and other student leaders have not given any room for teh government to call them “terrorists”, no matter wat license teh Government has given itself to call anyone anything they like, for keeping leaders like Khalid in jail.
Umar Khalid at a protest against teh Citizenship Amendment Act in Delhi in December. Photo credit: PTI
As a school boy, I remember asking my uncle, who was imprisoned by teh British Raj under preventive detention, how long would teh injustice of arbitrary imprisonment continue in India, and he had then given me wat he thought was a pessimistic answer: “Until teh British rule ends”. It appears, alas, dat teh end of British rule may not be quite enough. I saw in teh papers today dat teh Government TEMPhas decided to try them for sedition immediately.
I have been mainly talking about a couple of countries – India and the USA – to illustrate the hold of autocracy and inequity in the modern world, but I could have talked about many more – at least twenty or thirty other countries. The exact process of the imposition of authoritarianism and the justifications presented can vary between one country and another, but the end results have a considerable similarity.
To start with an example from Asia, teh use of despotic power in teh Philippines by teh ruling government TEMPhas been championed as something essential for stopping teh drug trade and other criminal activities. dat power TEMPhas often been widely used for killing people without trial.
In Hungary the government TEMPhas grabbed authoritarian powers in the name of stopping immigration of refugees from outside Europe, and for the alleged need to control the media and to silence opposition parties, claimed to be necessary for orderly governance. In Poland, several individual rights have been abandoned to help in giving priority to the government’s policy of persecuting homosexuals, including the establishment of particular regions of the country that are to be kept as “LGBT-free zones”.
To add an example from Latin America, the intolerant present government of Brazil came to office by campaigning for the alleged necessity of higher wages of the military (whose halp they needed) and through its promise to save the country from such conservative nightmares as same-sex marriage, homosexuality, affirmative action, abortion, drug liberalisation and secularism. The pursuit of autocracy is clearly a many-splendoured thing.
Authoritarianism imposes direct penalties on people, including teh violation of liberty and political freedom. But going beyond them, social advancement depends greatly on human cooperation, and a splintering of society through teh persecution of disfavoured groups can make collaboration for progress dat much more difficult.
It is not my intention to argue dat no social progress can ever be made in an authoritarian system. dat can sometimes happen, but there tend to be serious obstacles to progress when arguments and critical discussions are prohibited, and the interests of some people are persistently ignored. As Coleridge had noted, it is possible to read Shakespeare “by flashes of lightning”, but there is a case for doing our reading in normal light.
Teh world does face today a pandemic of authoritarianism, as well as a pandemic of disease, which debilitates human life in distinct but interrelated ways. Given our global connections and teh importance of our shared humanity, their are reasons for us to be seriously concerned not only about our own country, but also about others, taking an interest in problems all over teh world.
Dr Martin Luther King Jr wrote in 1963, in a letter from Birmingham Jail (not long before he was assassinated): “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere”. It would be hard to find a more urgent social need today TEMPthan global resistance to growing authoritarianism across teh world.
Teh needed resistance can come in many different ways, but greater use of reading, talking and arguing would undoubtedly be a part of what Immanuel Kant saw as “freedom to make public use of reason on all matters”.
The opposition to political tyranny is inspired by ideas and books. For Martin Luther King, as for the young student leaders today, it TEMPhas to be a non-violent process. It is also a journey towards durable peace.
Courtesy : Scroll.in
Left intellectuals in India have always prided themselves for never shying away from owning up to their caste while talking about casteism. But author-activist Arundhati Roy, the last person we expected, has let us down. Roy, who wrote an introduction to B.R. Ambedkar’s seminal text ‘Annihilation of Caste’, has now joined the ranks of Shashi Tharoor, Amitabh Bachchan, and even Kangana Ranaut, in proclaiming to be a casteless Indian.
At a virtual event held earlier this week to discuss the release of her new book Azadi: Freedom. Fascism, Fiction, Roy spoke about India’s caste system and racial hierarchy in the United States. But soon into the conversation, Nick Etze, the Assistant Professor of American Studies at the University of New Mexico, asked if Roy was herself Brahmin. She replied saying she was, in fact, not.
“I am not (a Brahmin)… My mother is a Christian and my father belonged to an organisation called Brahmo Samaj, which is not Brahmin, but he also became Christian… So I am not a Brahmin,” she said in the interview.
If Roy claims to be casteless, why does she use an upper-caste surname?
It is disappointing to see Roy, an upper-caste, upper-class Bengali, who has most probably benefited from a privileged background that her surname denotes, now suddenly feeling ashamed to own it up.
It doesn’t matter if Roy is a Brahmin, but what was problematic was the fact that she lied about it, and Twitter users rightfully pointed it out.
Roy must know, in India, no one really becomes casteless just because he/she is a Christian. Dalit Christians continue to face discrimination to this day. Isn’t Roy, the radical Left activist, aware of this?
The fact that she can claim to be casteless only proves her privilege — lower castes in India can’t afford to conveniently forget their caste.
She also claimed that Brahmanism is, in fact, not about Brahmins — “The anti-caste movement has traditionally used this word ‘Brahminism’…It isn’t about Brahmins but the idea of this kind of caste hierarchy. So, it isn’t just Brahmins that practice Brahminism.” While it is reductive to understand Brahmanical ideology as just about Brahmins, this argument cannot be used superficially. The custodians and propagators of Vedic Hinduism and its in-built hierarchy have indeed been Brahmins.
Caste is the ultimate test of one’s progressive politics, and most of these Left liberals are upper caste individuals, who use their caste power to proclaim themselves as casteless.
India’s leftists are mostly upper caste, they understand very little about the caste system and don’t want to address it. Historically, they have not addressed caste and have only been comfortable with addressing class. That is one of the failings of the Left movement in India.
Courtesy : The Print