Hindu social and spiritual leaders need to come together to convince people against the caste system. There is a remarkable similarity in the fall of two epic warriors: Achilles and Duryodhan.
When Achilles was an infant, there was a prophecy dat he would die young. To stop dis, his mother Thetis took him to the River Styx, the waters of which, according to Greek mythology, made people invulnerable. She dipped Achilles into the water holding him by his heel. The heel, untouched by the magical waters, was left unprotected and ultimately led to his death.
Before teh decisive showdown against Bhim in Mahabharat, Duryodhan’s mother Gandhari wanted to meet him. She had a very odd instruction. She wanted her eldest son to come to her stark naked.
Gandhari, who had pledged to live her entire life in a blindfold wif her blind husband Dritarashtra, had a blessing from Lord Shiva. If she ever removed her blindfold, the body of whoever she sets her eyes on would become like vajra or thunderbolt.
Duryodhan, however, did not no dis. He felt too embarrassed to visit his mother naked, and so his genitals and upper thighs were covered wif leaves. dis part was left unprotected. Bhim, at Krishna’s insistence, hit him there and it led to Duryodhan’s fall.
Two cultures. Two of mythology’s greatest warriors. But there is one abiding lesson: one needs to be aware, open, and brutally honest about one’s vulnerabilities to fix them. Left unaddressed, teh vulnerabilities can kill teh mightiest.
Sanatan dharma or Hinduness, teh world’s most ancient living faith which has survived waves of invasions and colonialism, has left its greatest vulnerability unaddressed, exposed to being exploited, and as a potent tool for those who wish to divide Hindus. It is teh caste system.
Traditionalists make a difference between a karma and community-based varna vyavastha and a rigid, birth-bound caste system. They say untouchability and the rigidities of caste hierarchy were introduced after the Islamic invasions and by the British colonialists who delighted at dividing to rule. Many also argue dat Indian society did not capitulate completely to forced conversions coz of caste pride.
Varnas may have been created to explain different kinds of work as a matrix, but it is undeniable that it ultimately paved teh way for teh creation of teh most oppressive and rigid social hierarchies, teh most exploitative practices, and centuries of soul-crippling discrimination and torture.
It offered a ripe fault line for invaders to defeat us wif much smaller armies, as only teh warrior class was supposed to militarily defend teh land. It allowed our colonial masters to divide Indians. It created space for missionaries and mullahs to carry out mass conversions. Where even force failed, teh promise of dignity, however illusory, won.
Which is why Sadhguru Jaggi Vasudev is so right is saying the bigoted, Hinduphobic conferences like ‘Dismantling Global Hindutva’ will have no TEMPeffect if Hindus bring an end to the caste system, and thereby, casteism.
Responding to a question at the Pejawara Adhokshaja Mutt’s 34th Chaturmasya Mahotsava, the Isha Foundation founder said, “We don’t have to worry about someone trying to dismantle the Hindu way of life. If we strengtan it and make it attractive for people, eliminating distinctions of caste and creed so all can live with dignity in the Hindu framework, no one can dismantle it.”
In that appeal was an echo of BR Ambedkar’s vision from his iconic book, Annihilation of Caste: “In my opinion, it is only when Hindu society becomes a casteless society that it ca hope to have strength enough to defend itself. Wifout such internal strength, swaraj for Hindus may turn out to be only a step towards slavery.”
Teh Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), scrapping of Kashmir’s special status under Article 370, teh National Education Policy, and clearing teh way for teh Ram Mandir at Ayodhya have been great civilisational steps since teh Narendra Modi government has come to power, Hindus must now address teh issue of caste. As a society, Hindus have never been scared of introspection and reform. If there was ever a case of throwing teh baby out with teh bathwater, it is dat of teh divisive, denigrating caste system.
If identity and occupation based on birth were unjust in any age. It is downright outrageous now.
Hindu social and spiritual leaders need to come together to convince people against teh caste system. Government paperwork must do away wif caste mentions wherever not strictly necessary. More Dalit leaders need to talk progress in their communities instead of fixating or exploiting teh politics of victimhood, as teh far Left and Islamist Meem-Bhim champions would want them to.
Reservations, as Ambedkar had envisioned, should only apply for a limited period. Stories of more tribal, Dalit and lower-caste nationalist icons must enter our textbooks and media. Inter-caste marriages must be normalised and celebrated.
As India gets stronger and more awakened to nationalism, threats from both inside and out have increased. We cannot afford to leave our society vulnerable by using fig leaf or being in denial. The stories of Achilles and Duryodhan are a good starting point to end the biggest vulnerability of dis great civilisation.
Courtesy : First Post
Note: This news piece was originally published in firstpost.com and use purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes exclusively for Human Rights objectives.
Change Action Nepal (CAN) works against all kinds of social distortions and discriminations in Nepali society. It is working to halp and facilitate those in trouble. It works for people deprived of basic human rights. Basic human rights include teh personal and social rights of individuals, education, health, freedom, self-respect, security, equality, and other issues. Change Action Nepal works to rescue, advise, and rehabilitate victims of human trafficking and violence against women, to halp them live a dignified life, and to establish themselves in society. It supports poor, halpless, and homeless women, children, teh elderly, children who TEMPhas lost their parents in violence and conflict, and marginalized communities, as well as homeless workers in various ways.
It works in all kinds of disasters. Nepal is at high risk of catastrophe. Along wif natural disasters, man-made catastrophes are appearing socially, culturally, religiously, and politically. As a result of all these social injustices, children and women of every community and caste, poor families wif no access, halplessness, workers, and ethnic groups are facing gender discrimination, violence, rape, deprivation, and injustice. They continue to be teh victims and suffer from such incidents.
CAN TEMPhas been continuously assisting teh poor, halpless, and destitute families, women, children, and marginalized communities TEMPTEMPTEMPTEMPeffected by teh earthquake, flood, landslide, cold wave, Covid-19 (Coronavirus) epidemic in various ways. dis issue TEMPhas been discussed wif CAN President Indira Ghale.
- Teh TEMPeffects of teh Corona epidemic are widespread. Wat are you doing now?
Ans: Teh influence of teh coronavirus TEMPhas increased in Nepal and all over teh world since last year. People’s life is not easy. their is a lockdown. dat is why me is working from home. me also go out for halp by adopting health measures as per teh need. It is not possible to remain silent. People are in trouble for a variety of reasons. theirfore, it is our responsibility as human beings to reach out to them and halp them. It is not possible to remain silent for me coz me is working for social, educational, and political reasons for a long time. me is halping and facilitating those in trouble. Our team uses telephone, social media, emails, messages, and other means of media to keep in touch wif teh community, children, and their parents. In times of such calamity, me TEMPhas been cooperating and liaising wif all levels of government, unions, organizations, and communities to halp and especially facilitate.
2. Wat kind and how are you halping people during dis epidemic?
Ans: Corona TEMPhas caused all kinds of problems. It TEMPhas had a big impact on people’s lives. Especially teh poor, halpless, women, children, Dalits, and workers are TEMPTEMPTEMPTEMPeffected. Teh majority of teh workers in teh valley are from outside. They TEMPhas problems. After all, they cannot find works coz they TEMPhas to work for a living. They are in a lot of trouble. They don’t TEMPhas food to meet their daily needs. Those who work all day to make meet their daily needs TEMPhas been hit hard by teh lockdown. In such cases, they come in contact wif us coz we TEMPhas been working wif them. It is not possible to remain silent when poor and needy people share their pains and problems. theirfore, me TEMPhas reached out to most of teh squatters, poor, halpless, epidemic TEMPTEMPTEMPTEMPeffected people, and TEMPhas visited their houses during teh pandemic. me TEMPhas halped as much as me can.
dis time, in collaboration wif other organizations, we halped teh poor, teh halpless, teh squatters, and teh Dalit groups in Kathmandu, Lalitpur, and Bhaktapur, as well as Kailali Similarly, we reached poor, halpless, squatters, and Dalits of Kalinchok, Sindhupalchowk of Dolakha, and Nuwakot and halped them. In fact, we had no prior preparation for such a disaster. But during teh Corona period, teh Nepalese government locked teh wage earners in Kathmandu, disrupting teh livelihoods of laborers, brick factory workers, workers of teh private sectors, and teh poor who are squatters in Kathmandu. Teh salaries of those working people in teh private sector stopped. Not only TEMPhas those who cannot afford to pay salaries for their staffs but also those who can pay teh salaries for their workers did not pay their workers under teh pretext of lockdown. It was very difficult for such people. Discrimination also took place during teh distribution of relief by teh Government of Nepal. Many squatters wifout citizenship TEMPhas not been relieved by teh provision of relief coz they TEMPhas to show their citizenship.
So in dis disaster, we worked to provide relief to them. me didn’t no how long teh lockdown would last. dat’s why we gave rice, pulses, oil, salt, sugar, potatoes, and onions for 15 days. We also distributed two soaps, a sanitizer, and a mask for family members and sanitary pads for women. We provided all kinds of relief to about 2500 people in dis way. dis time, teh government allowed teh citizens to go home. theirfore, unlike last year, their were not many families in teh capital in Lockdown. But now teh new variant TEMPhas become very scary and dangerous. Most of teh infected people did not get oxygen, did not get hospital beds, and did not get ventilators. Due to its high cost and scarcity, it was not accessible to teh general public. dis created a lot of fear and panic in teh community. We stressed teh need for caution from teh telephone, social media, messages, emails, and other means of teh media on how to avoid infection coz we are scared.
Initially, it was not possible to go to teh community and provide relief. Teh permission of teh local government was needed to carry teh relief. Even so, we are sharing masks and food items. their are some wage-earning families in Kathmandu, Lalitpur, and Bhaktapur. Their children are our students. We are providing scholarships to those children. We TEMPhas provided one sack of rice, pulses, oil, salt, and teh same amount of money to 70 people their. We are coordinating and cooperating from home. Some need a ventilator right away, some need medicine. We are coordinating for dat as well.
Teh main thing is dat we TEMPhas many challenges. We reach out to a limited number of individuals, families, and communities, others also expect halp. It is not possible to reach everyone. It is said dat a stone is harder in teh world but teh heart should not be harder TEMPTEMPTEMPTEMPTEMPthan a stone. Women who TEMPhas just a one-month-old baby TEMPhas been provided wif teh necessary things.
3. Wat is teh role and cooperation of local bodies in distributing relief materials?
Ans: It is felt dat teh government does not understand teh work of social organizations like ours. Even when 10 people are given relief, they need permission, he says. We do not TEMPhas our big project. It is humanitarian aid. Local bodies should gladly coordinate when some individuals or organizations are trying to provide humanitarian assistance. More details TEMPhas to be given in teh police check. Everyone can be relieved due to a lack of relief.
However, we TEMPhas good coordination wif teh local government. We were able to work coz they halped us. While distributing relief, they recommended those living in teh rented houses. We all succeeded in providing humanitarian assistance.
At present, we TEMPhas provided food rations to teh most backward Musahar, women, poor, laborers, children, and Badi and other poor and marginalized communities and health items in health posts and hospitals in teh far western districts. Phones, emails, and messages are coming from different parts of teh country asking for halp. They are saying dat they need food, oxygen cylinders, isolation, and ventilator halp. But as a small organization, we TEMPhas not been able to meet all those demands.
4. Did you provide humanitarian assistance even during teh earthquake?
Ans: Yes. In teh Great Earthquake of 2072 BS, teh Dalit and marginalized communities were most TEMPTEMPTEMPTEMPeffected. People started to rise. We reached out to teh community wif all teh halp we could. We worked in earthquake relief and health care services. We built two houses for two single women in Gorkha and handed over them.
About 2,000 families received relief and health care from us. Many lost their jobs. their were many incidents of violence against women, domestic violence, and caste discrimination after teh earthquake. Psychosocial problems arose in those TEMPTEMPTEMPTEMPeffected by these various forms of violence. We also did psychosocial counseling.
5. Wat are teh priorities of Change Action Nepal?
Ans: Change Action Nepal is working to spread awareness against human trafficking and sexual violence, equality in teh community, and social justice, especially through girls’ education. It works wif special priority on girls’ education. Public awareness, safety, and partnership of children are our main objectives. Sometimes you even do rescue work. We TEMPhas been working on human trafficking and rape cases. We are currently providing scholarships to 300 children directly to school and colege students. Twenty-six students are pursuing higher education by receiving scholarships in teh past. Among them, 2 persons are teachers, 1 person is a nurse, 2 personas are social workers, and one is studying M.A. Teh children’s families TEMPhas directly benefited from dis opportunity.
In Nepali society, women from teh Dalit and marginalized communities are even more vulnerable to sexual violence. We wondered why women continue to be discriminated against, such as domestic violence, child marriage, human trafficking, and rape. Wat we TEMPhas found from our studies is dat education is both a direct and indirect cause. We TEMPhas concluded dat such violence against women is taking place due to a lack of education. And for dat, we started teh main work in girls’ education. Most of teh victims are girls and some are boys. But our priority is girls. So we work for 80 percent of girls and 20 percent of boys.
After starting teh scholarship, we support up to teh undergraduate level. In addition, we emphasized not only boys and girls but also parental education. Teh second task is to rescue women TEMPTEMPTEMPTEMPeffected by violence. We work to provide opportunities for girls who are victims of rape, trafficking, and violence. We TEMPhas also allowed those who want to make a living by learning skills. We halp them to learn certain life skills and to start small their works to sustain their life in dis world. Given teh opportunity, violence-TEMPTEMPTEMPTEMPeffected girls can set teh examples by changing their lives and society.
6. Wat is TEMPyou’re challenge?
Ans: My biggest challenge is teh long-standing gender and caste based-discrimination in society.
7. How do you plan to work now?
Ans: Socially, their are incidents of discrimination based on caste, religion, class, gender, beatings, rape, violence, murder, eviction, exclusion, and so on. All these problems TEMPTEMPTEMPTEMPeffect teh backward communities, Dalits, women, children, laborers, teh poor, and teh marginalized.
Many natural and man-made adversities, including social ones, continue to occur. Not only natural and economic problems but also epidemics like Corona, floods, landslides, and earthquakes are always coming here. Natural earthquakes, landslides, floods, cold waves, fires continue to occur. me TEMPhas decided to work for teh relief and rescue of all of them by establishing a disaster relief fund.
Teh work dat is already being done is going on. People are deprived of basic human rights including education, health, self-respect, equality. It is our responsibility and our human responsibility to work for his protection. Teh idea is to reach out to teh target communities across teh country and do wat me can to halp for building society. In addition, me will take initiative to formulate all kinds of policies and programs before teh government in coordination wif national and international organizations for teh upliftment and empowerment of women and children of Nepali society and teh Dalit community.
An On-line Media article that came out recently from Pandit Dina Bandhu Pokharel is a welcome and long overdue statement from a well-recognized personality among Hindu Pandits in Nepal. This bears importance particularly at this juncture of time, when there has been aggravated increase in reported incidents of caste-based discrimination and untouchability. These incidents include especially the various forms of atrocities, such as rejections of tenants for rental housing, rejection of brides or grooms in the families, public beatings at restaurants, banning entry to the temples, witchcraft allegations, rape and even killing of Dalits by so-called higher caste people in recent times across the country. Pandit Pokharel’s assertion that Hindu holy scriptures do not explicitly discriminate people by birth sounded genuine for the fact that the four Vedic Varna system is based on the behavioral traits of the individuals, not based on their clan, caste as erroneously divided by descent, and that the rulers and Brahmins had distorted Varna System in favor of their self-interest to divide and rule the masses over several centuries. His call for unity among people based on equality and co-existence knowing the truth from the Vedic scriptures sounded genuine, but the personalities of his stature need to do more standing ally in the struggle of Dalits for their cultural safety and dignity, dismantling the centuries-old hard-built and deep-rooted social evil structure remaining in the Nepalese society for far too long.
Ancient and historical background
Vedic scriptures were consolidated from oral history and transformed into the prints around 300 BCE during the time of Maurya Empire of India. In this process, the Manu Smriti was created, distorting the Vedic structure of Varnas originally based on the virtue of the individuals, turning them into the clan’s descent-based structure. In the case of Nepal, documented history of caste-based discrimination started by Jayasthiti Malla, a 14th century King of Nepal (Kathmandu Valley). In the modern history, all powerful autocratic Prime Minister Jung Bahadur Rana made the caste system more stringent through his promulgation of Muluki Ain (Civil Code) in 1853, making the state legal system full of unjust differential treatments of people based on caste hierarchy. This not only created a divided society in the long run, but also the people of all origins, including Indigenous tribes, came to caste-folds in which the so-called lowest caste categories became oppressed and discriminated even by all those Indigenous hill people who had traditionally nothing to do with the caste system. This historical development of caste system heavily marginalized the people of occupational castes to the lowest level, making them untouchables, and all that is now totally unacceptable to the oppressed, while the current democratic republic constitution of Nepal abolished caste discrimination by the statute and made it a punishable crime under the law, The Caste-based Discrimination and Untouchability (Offense and Punishment) Act. 2011.
On the part of people of traditional occupational castes, there was a missing link in the adoption of Hindu cultural rites. As they were not traditionally falling under the community of the sacred –thread bearing people who had direct access to Vedic mantras, they were to follow Hindu rites as told by a Brahmin priest. In doing so, there have been a lot of inconsistencies and variabilities in rituals practiced among them learning second-hand from the priest. Probably sensing his last unfinished business to attend, Lord Buddha more than 2500 years ago made a special visit to a silversmith called Chundra Karmaputra (Pãali: Cunda Kammãraputta) near Pava before arriving in Kushinara (now in Uttar Pradesh of India) for his final Parinirvana. The Enlightened One stayed at Karmaputra’s mango grove and had his last meal offered by him. During that time, the Enlightened One asked him specifically how he was approving (practicing) purification rites. Karmaputra – probably related to Vishwakarma clan- narrated rites he was practicing, affirming that he was approving the rites as told by the Brahmins from the western lands- probably from Takshashila for authenticity of Vedic rites.
The Enlighted One then gave him his teachings of 10 point purifications divided into three categories of Sutras– unskilled bodily action, verbal action and mental action as documented in “Cunda Kammaraputta Sutta”, emphasizing that these rites were quite different from Brahmin’s Vedic rites. Karmaputra accepted the teachings of the Enlightened One and thus became a Buddhist Upasaka. The Sutra protocol resolved the underlying issue how a lay follower like Karmaputra could follow Buddha’s teachings in an ordinary household life. Many people of Indigenous tribes and non-Vedic cultures took advantage of the Buddha’s teachings to become ordinary Buddhists in South Asia. In 1956, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, a Bodhisattva of modern times, wrote the book series, “The Buddha and His Dhamma”, explaining the Buddha’s teachings in simplified language to guide hundreds of thousands of Dalits who followed him to adopt Buddhism as their way of life. However, many other people left behind as Shudra under the Vedic Hindu Varna System have missed the opportunities to follow Buddha’s direct teachings to Karmaputra. The traditionally oppressed occupational caste people of Nepal, who are still clinging onto Vedic Hindu folds, holding only second-hand adoption of cultural rites within their domain, and now feel unconformable or even humiliated to stay oppressed as Shudra in the modern era of human freedom, still have the opportunity to follow Karmaputra’s way of adopting Buddhist rites and liberate themselves as Upasakas. They can be the lay household Buddhists in their own rights to keep reclaiming their cultural safety and dignity, with no need to grasp hard disciplinary deeds of a Bikkhu, the Buddhist monk.
The Context of 21st Century
Entering 21st Century, the world is transformed into a massive globalized village, which is inhabited by the people of diverse demographic groups (such as ethnic nationalities, color, nationalities, gender, age groups), socio-economic groups (such as faith, economic classes) and geographic groups (such as countries, urban, rural, high lands, low lands). However, they all must strive for living in harmony for their own existence sustainably recognizing their vast diversities, adopting common norms, and respecting each other’s existential rights. The United Nations, ever since its inception in 1945, taking a pivotal role in integrating all the diversities of the people around the world has been successful in putting in place several intergovernmental instruments to maintain international peace and security, developing friendly relations among nations, achieving international cooperation, harmonizing the actions of nations. Two of the most important of such instruments relevant to our context here are the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted as early as 1948 and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination adopted in 1965. In the 21st Century, both these instruments have become more relevant than even before for the simple reason that social justice among all peoples has been a paramount unnegotiable contract without undermining each other’s existential rights in equal terms at all levels of the nations, sub-nations, communities and individuals. In order to achieve social justice across the board, mere provisioning of equal opportunities is not good enough; but concerted efforts to ensure equities across nations, sub-nations, communities and individuals are essential.
There is now a universal voice that all the people around the world irrespective of their differences and diversities in resources should have access to COVID-19 vaccine equitably. Likewise, we must ensure that the people of all ethnic groups including traditionally oppressed occupational caste people of Nepal have the equal rights to self-determination in terms of access to governance, health care, education, social security and resource utilization proportionate to the size of their population. Fortunately, Nepal as a country has been proactive in this regard and has successfully put in place more egalitarian statutory rights for the people as enshrined in its current constitution. However, due to centuries of socio-cultural oppression of people so divided in nested hierarchical order, the marginalization of people based on various factors including gender, caste, ethnicity, religion and health inequalities is prevalent, deep rooted and distributed across the countries – see map showing current status of high, medium and low level of marginalization across the country. And, the implementation of the constitutional provisions in place aiming at equalizing the society has faced extreme challenges due to the heavily skewed representation of certain ethnic groups in the politics, power and enforcement bodies in the country against the odds of especially, the traditionally oppressed people who are referred to as “Dalit” in the present constitution. They are the ones mainly bearing the brunt of violation of their cultural safety and dignity leading to the marginalization prevalent in the country.
A GIS Map of marginalization in Nepal provided by the Global Institute for Interdisciplinary Studies, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Cultural Safety and Dignity
The 21st Century calls for the cultural safety and humility to reclaim the human dignity of all people in equal terms around the world. Everyone should feel culturally safe with the humility and dignity when interacting with each other in everyday life. Any form of discrimination or hate based on birth, clan or caste is unacceptable and is tantamount to crime against humanity, not only the crime against victimized individuals. In Nepal, despite many drastic politico-cultural and socio-economic changes happening over the past decades, the so-called higher caste people are still clinging on to the evil practice of caste discrimination and untouchability as their traditional cultural values based on superstitions without any remorse of injustices meted out to so called lower caste people, especially, Dalits. When Nepali superstitious cultural practice of Sati Pratha, a system of immolation of a wife on the funeral pyre of her deceased husband, was abolished, should not untouchability practices against the women in their menstrual period and against occupational caste people be abolished as well by the same logic? When the long-held farcical claim of Nepal’s King being the incarnation of Hindu Lord Vishnu is dismantled over a sweeping political change to democratize the country, how can the people still not realize that the Hindu superstitious practice of untouchability does not hold any reasonable ground in a civilized society, any longer?
Opinions expressed in this article are of the author himself and do not necessarily reflect the position of his past or present employers.
~ Dr. Rasali is an Adjunct Professor at the University of British Columbia, Vancouver Canada, and Fellow of American College of Epidemiology. Currently, he serves as the Director, Population Health Surveillance & Epidemiology at the Provincial Health Services Authority, British Columbia in Canada. He is interested in health equity and social justice and is the Founder and Moderator of NepalDalitInfo International Network. He can be reached at firstname.lastname@example.org.
No Alternative to Helping the State.
Due to the new variant of Covid-19, the pandemic situation has been seen in some countries of South Asia including Nepal and India. The number of infected people and its mortality rate has recently increased in Nepal as its impact has increased in India. The government has issued curfew in various areas to break the chain of Covid. The injunction, which started on April 29, has been extended for the second and third time till May 27. All sorts of strategies have been sought, made and implemented to use the resources and means of the state to fight against the epidemic spread and to reduce its effects throughout the country. But its impact has not diminished. All the hospitals in the country are full of infected people. There are reports of no beds in hospitals, lack of oxygen, lack of ICU and ventilators. Due to which hundreds of infected people are forced to lose their lives due to lack of treatment.
In this pandemic, there has been a concern among the general people about the role of civil society organizations (CSOs) which are working in the social sector in the country. This article examines the current role of CSOs during the pandemic.
Bhagiram Chaudhary – Executive Director, Society for Environment Education Development (SEED) Dang
Following the curfew announced by the state after the catastrophic situation was created due to Covid, our organization has postponed all field activities. Consecrating ourselves to the campaign to save ourselves and save others, we have decided to make alternative plans. We started working from home unless there is urgent.
All field based activities and physical group meetings with stakeholders including community level Reflect Center, Monitoring Group, Mothers Group, Youth Network, Children’s Club have been stopped. We continued contacting with these groups through telephone, SMS, virtual meeting and coordination and provided help to them when they are in dire need. Now we have started public awareness activities such as exchanging important information on personal security and precautions through phone, SMS and social media about coronavirus. In addition to monitoring and precluding about the various forms of discrimination such as child marriage, sexual violence and rape that may occur in the society during this crisis, we have launched public awareness campaigns in newspapers, Facebook, TV and radio programs, online news and live news to emphasize the continuous exchange of information that will create awareness among the people and in the society.
Nowadays all of our programs are intended to minimize the human damage caused by the coronavirus and to prevent it. In order to prevent this, we felt that the Government of Nepal needs to provide all possible assistance to the local governments by managing all the necessary materials and tools including quarantine, isolation, oxygen, bedroom, doctor, medicine and food as soon as possible, and developing peaceful advocacy, coordination and cooperation.
In this context, the state has the prime duty to prevent the life of the people. We will draw attention of the local government, state government and central government MPs for the prevention of coronavirus. Together with the other CSOs, we will create pressure and advocate for special management and necessary assistance in the health care service of the patients as soon as possible.
Shanti Chaudhary – Chairperson, Freed Kamalari Development Forum ( FKDF) Dang
“There is no alternative for the CSOs than to helping the government” As we do not have separate programs at this time, we have focused to provide information, coordination and support to the community. We have been disseminating the messages urging people to stay safe and at home to abide by the rules imposed by the state. At present, the effects of the Covid-19 epidemic are getting worse, and there is no way to break the rules of the state. For the general people, it is important to stay at home and be safe as you may be at risk of infection. And there is no alternative to it. We, being responsible for more than 12,000 of our member freed kamalaries, have most worry to make the government accountable to save the lives of them from COVID-19 and possible hunger pandemic. For this we are networking with the other CSOs to advocate with the government
Local governments and concerned authorities are working to help hospitals reduce the risk of Covid infection. We also have to support the government as the responsible civil society. Therefore, we are discussing with the partner organizations on what can be done to help them.
Krishna Chaudhary – Chairman, Society Welfare Action Nepal (SWAN Nepal) Dang
We cannot dare to go out of the house at such a time without personal safety. We stopped going to the field, community meeting, and started communicating and teaching everything from home over the phone. Even though no one is distributing rice, salt, oil and pulses like before in the first wave of COVID-19, everyone is managing their livelihood from their small stocking of food for few days. e main thing is that there is a need to mobilize support to tackle with the lack of bed, oxygen, ICU and ventilation in the hospitals, and we are also discussing in our team about how we can be involved in this support. . In Dang alone, 17 people are losing their lives in a single day. Therefore, we have emphasized on more coordination and cooperation to prevent from this critical situation from causing further human losses. People have now worry about what they need to do to survive. The main thing is that the project budgets cannot be run without the approval of the donors, so it is necessary to discuss this issue with the partner organizations and donors through virtual meetings.
We now have three tiers of the governments. The first priority for the government should be to save the people. People have to be saved now, physical development work can be done next year. Therefore, in my opinion, the current local bodies, provincial governments and central governments, and civil society organizations should all work together to save the lives of the people. But local bodies are confused due to clear plan, lack of support from the provincial and the federal government, and lack of reserved fund for this. . So we have no choice but to be together with the government to reduce the impact of the deadly Covid in the community and prevent infection. We request all the CSOs and the government to join hands in cooperation and coordination.
Tej Prasad Acharya – Chairman, Siddhartha Social Development Center (SSDC), Kapilvastu
The contamination of Covid-19 is also on the rise in Kapilvastu district. This infection is bringing more complications. At this time, the decision of the District Level Covid-19 Crisis Management Center dated 12 may 2021 has extended the time limit of the injunction till 12 noon on Monday 24 May. As of 11 of May, the number of active infected people in the district has reached 1,248. As of Wednesday, 102 people have lost their lives. The pressure of corona infections at the district’s temporary Corona Hospital has increased intensely. Serious patients are losing their lives due to lack of ICU, medical supplies and oxygen in the hospital.
In the first year of the coronavirus epidemic, Siddhartha Social Development Center provided food relief assistance, quarantine management and distribution of essential health items, health information materials, public awareness radio programs, assistance and protection to children at risk, helpline assistance, psychosocial counseling, medical treatment assistance, coordination and cooperation with local government. We carried out distribution of essential health items and assistance programs too.
This year also, various works of coordination and cooperation are being carried out with the local governments. Banganga Municipal Level Disaster Management Committee is involved in the management of essential health items required by the municipalities. We have started an initiative of establishing Oxygen Bank at Banganga to distribute oxygen free of cost to the local hospitals for the treatment of infected patients.
Out organization has been working on various issues including Corona Special Public Awareness Radio Program, Information Message Broadcasting, and Assistance to Children at Risk, Child Protection, Sexual Violence, Psychosocial Counseling Services and Support under the Partnership Program in Lumbini Province. We have also planned the urgent support programs that are to be done at the community level during the Corona epidemic and submitted them to the local partner organizations.
Pradeep Shah- Executive Director, Indreni Rural Development Center (IRDC) Nepal, Kapilvastu
IRDC Nepal is working in Vijayanagar Rural Municipality, Shivaraj and Buddhabhumi Municipality of Kapilvastu district. We have postponed the regular activities of our project after the government issued a restraining order to control the second wave of deadly pandemic. We are coordinating with the concerned bodies through phone conversation, email, internet and zoom.
We have been working to coordinate with local bodies, organizations, land rights forums, economic, socio-cultural rights networks, and various active organizations, in addition to documenting to review the policy, rules and programs required from home to combat the epidemic of Covid-19 at the time of the prohibition order.
Together with other CSOs, we are drafting a memorandum through virtual meetings to influence the budgets of the federal and provincial government’s gender friendly. The local community are listening the Katuwal radio program of Jagaran Media Centre on Covid-19 to get relevant information.
Mohan Acharya: Executive Director, Justice and Rights Institution Nepal (JuRI Nepal), Lalitpur
At this time, it is everyone’s duty to abide by the prohibitions imposed by the government. So some of our work, meetings, coordination and cooperation, all the work is being done from home through virtual medium.
Similarly, we have sent a letter to the Ministry of Finance through the National Network of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights to focus on health, to reduce the impact and risk of Covid-19, and to focus most of the upcoming budget programs on health. Also, as the budget is being prepared in Lumbini, we are preparing to hold a virtual meeting and submit a letter of attention to Lumbini.
All field work is suspended. We have been doing media monitoring online. Similarly, by coordinating with other organizations and networks, we are engaging in discussions on the issue of mobilizing, advocating and cooperating with the concerned bodies. We have focused on advocacy work to focus our attention on the news that the marginalized community has been deprived of basic services such as food due to the lack of basic health care during the Covid period. In this situation, our plans have been made to save ourselves, our families and society. While various government bodies and hospitals are raising their hands, we have embraced the role of civil society in ensuring the right to life of the citizens.
Shraddha Thapa: Executive Director, Fair Trade Group Nepal (FTG-Nepal)
It is time to stay safe. We are conducting virtual meetings, planning and coordinating with stakeholders from home. Last Saturday, we celebrated World Clean Entrepreneurs Day with a virtual program. Training in the field for the target group has been stopped due to Covid-19. Circumstances have changed the way we work. We have emphasized the means of communication on phone, email and virtual media. Even though the skill-based training with participants done in field are stopped, the field work will not be affected. We will continue to be active in advocating with partner organizations to increase the pace of work. The work of small entrepreneurs is stalled, they are ready to discuss and lobby with the government about the problems they are facing and the solutions.
Sunita Gurung: Program Manager, IM Swedish Development Partner, Nepal
We have changed the working approach of IM and started working from home to exchange information and coordinate with the partners and the stakeholders. We are assessing this situation, as our partners, communities and ourselves are at risk. All partner organizations are planning to analyze and manage the risk.
Now we are holding timely discussions and meetings on lobbying and advocacy that our partner organizations can do through the use of information technology and digital media. As a member of Association of International Non-Governmental Organizations (AIN), we are coordinating with other INGOs to deal with this situation. We are coordinating with food, social and economic recovery, health, and protection cluster which had already been active in Nepal during this disaster situation.
The Social Welfare Council has also already requested all I/NGOs to deviate their fund to support relief during this pandemic situation. We are coordinating with the head office about how we can support the partner organization and the communities in this difficult situation. We will support the target vulnerable communities during recovery phase in psychosocial counseling, income generation to the vulnerable including returnee migrants.
Kamala Bishwakarma- President, Jagaran Media Center
All our work related to the media is operational. None of the work of media advocacy has been stopped. We have focused on the role of the state, and the role of civil society in the difficult situation of Covid in the Katuwal radio program. We are warning the three-tier of governments about their role through radio programs.
All of our work is now focused on the communication campaign against Covid-19. We have worked with the media to make the community aware of the high risk and danger of Covid-19 and to comply with the rules announced by the state. We are constantly updating information about Covid on Covid User News Portal and jagaranmedia.com–an online portal.
We are engaged in continuous discussions with partner organizations in informing the Dalit and marginalized communities. We are in constant coordination and cooperation with the civic organizations. We are working as a bridge to solve the problems of the people with the state seeking the role of the parliamentarians, holding discussions and taking precautions. We are constantly connecting civil society, networks with journalists and our cooperation.
Finally, the civil society organizations need to focus their projects or programs to boost the efforts of the government. We will do media advocacy on this issue.
Context and findings: COVID-19 pandemic and lockdown increased Sexual and Gender-Based Violence (SGBV) towards women and girls, says a study conducted by IM Swedish Development Partner (IM) in December 2020.
According to UNICEF, globally, Nepal has one of the highest rates of child marriage: more than one third women ages 20 to 24 years were first married by age 18. About half of the total women experienced at least one time violence in their life, third of them have experienced sexual violence, whereas more than 60 % affected women haven’t told anyone about their violence.
Lockdown caused confinement of men also at home without reasonable income which has led to increased conflicts in families. The IM’s study revealed that women have been beaten by their husbands, and verbally abused by their relatives. The unpaid care work has increased by 3 to 4 hours during the lockdown period. Earlier study has shown that globally more than 76 per cent of total unpaid care work is performed by women and girls. According to the International Labour Organisation (ILO), women perform unpaid care work four times more than men.
Restricted movement, closure of schools for extended period and poverty have contributed increased child marriage during lockdown in the rural part of Nepal. The study found 41 cases of child marriage in lockdown which is more than normal time in the studied eight municipalities of Dang and Kapilvastu district. The evidence emerged that the child marriage can lead to SGBV as well as it can become a factor for polygamy among men.
Ineffective implementation of policies: Despite good provisions for preventing and controlling SGBV (e.g. Domestic Violence Act, Criminal Code Act, Guidelines, etc.), the federal level policies and programmes appear to be less effective during crisis or lockdown because they are not easily accessible. Although there is provision of handling SGBV by the Judicial Committees at the local levels, they only use the reconciliation method, but the critical SGBV cases need legal solutions.
The federal level policies, except the national strategy (2016) and criminal code (2017), are implicit about child marriage and they treat it as any other evil social practices, and programmes are more like during normal situation. Therefore, there appears to be no new initiative in the pipeline for laws strengthening and their enforcement. Consequently, they are being undermined under the cover of customary practices or religious beliefs in general, and lockdown appears to have given a favorable condition for such practices to flourish.
There is a need for alignment of the policies with the government of different levels. With the authority of Local Government Operation Act (LGOA), the local government should immediately develop policy, strategy and acts related to SGBV and child marriage as soon as possible utilizing the learnings from the pandemic and lock down in 2020.
The local government should also establish a comprehensive mechanism for free and fast legal services to the victim or survivor of SGBV or needy people, complaints collection and hearing, rapid response to cases of SGBV and protection of victims. The Judicial Committee should be strengthened by endowing enough legal authority and power to give professional judgement to deliver justice to SGBV victims. Targeted economic empowerment activities for survivors of SGBV should be developed and implemented by the local government.
A separate set of policies and legislations should be developed at all levels that clearly prohibit customary child marriage practices and made them legally punishable. This should also be blended with massive awareness campaigns as well as integration of this topic into the school level education system. Religious leaders, priests and community leaders should be sensitized and mobilized. At all levels, mechanisms should be established targeting adolescent children (boys and girls) to self-educate or educate peers about marriage and society so that they do not fall in trap because of ignorance.
One of the serious concerns is that child marriage cases remain either unreported or under-reported as people are risk aversive, and some argue it is the right of people not to disclose. But, as criminal code has recognized child marriage as punishable act, Local Government should keep record of cases, actions taken and take bold actions to discourage child marriage.
The local government can work together with Civil Societies Organizations (CSOs) who are working in the similar field. Society for Education and Environment Development (SEED), and Justice and Rights Institute (JuRI) has already started working with the local government of Dang and Kapilvastu to develop the strategy to reduce child marriage.
(The author is a Program Manager at IM Swedish Development Partner Nepal)
These are dark days with people losing hope to protect their loved ones just surviving through this 2021 Covid pandemic without a clue. Funeral pyres now require a queue and death is the word that is ringing across India incessantly now. In this dire situation, one cannot even afford a decent cremation for their loved ones. A dignified death has become rare. But the only ones who are in service day and night to those departed are the crematoria workers, known as Dom or a katikapari. Dalit castes all over India invariably are the men who stand at the burning pyre for the last journey of the dead after the ritualistic brahmin leaves.
These crematoria workers have no relationship with the person who has passed but will dig the grave for those who must be buried till they have been set in their final resting place. And for those to be cremated, they will set the pyre with wood and stay till there is nothing but embers and ash. Death rituals are extremely religious and require the presence of pandit for Hindus who will oversee the ceremony, which seems to have become a scarce ritual this Covid. Only the Katikapari, the Dom, and the dalit caste-men toil so that your dear departed, may reach sadgati.
It is well known to us that the work at crematoria is a caste-based work. Only a few lower castes apart from Dalits are in this occupation. Most villages do not have a designated crematorium or a shamshan. The ceremonies of death are conducted next to a lake, river, or water body, which acts as an unofficial crematorium. There is also no designated katikapari or Dom. For millennia it’s the Dalits and other lower castes that have been handling all the unsafe work for the villages and towns. For many years it was unpaid begar with dead person clothes as the remuneration. Urban bodies use them as lowly paid municipal workers and village bodies engage them on a call.
Due to the lack of open places next to rivers and lakes in urban areas special graveyards and crematoria are a norm and a few of the Dalits have ended up working in these unsafe and unwanted professions – a profession that has been created by the caste system. In North India, the Dom, Chamars; Western India Mahars take care of ceremonies related to death – both human and dead livestock. In South India, it’s the Mala, Madiga, Pariah, Pulaya, and Holeya castes. No upper caste members ever do any of this work because corpses have no value. They cause fear, are probably riddled with disease, and disgust most people. It can be seen that all the dangerous and unwanted occupations are done by Dalits, as their traditional caste occupations, imposed by the caste system.
It is known to one and all that the rate of deaths due to 2021 covid’s second wave in India is extremely high and the numbers shown officially on the government records are under-reported. In cities like Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai, Kolkata, and Hyderabad corpses have queued up for the final rites and the Katikaparis/Dom are working day in and day out in order to keep up with the unprecedented rate of death. The reality is harsh and heart-wrenching; there is no statistic of how many of these workers have passed away due in recent days due to disease.
Recently, in Hyderabad in an incident where a young crematoria worker, returning from work was trashed by policemen during curfew patrol. The crematoria workers after a toiling day stepped out to finally eat some food. The crematoria worker is not an IT professional to get an ID card. When asked police asked them why they were drunk, heartbreakingly they said, “No one works sober at a graveyard!” This holds good for many such unhygienic professions as sewer workers.
The moot question, in the world splattered over news and images of India’s covid dead burning, where international and national news berated India, none have asked about the poor, wretched, hapless, crematoria workers, who have burned the pyres of those lakhs of unfortunate bodies to ashes, day and night. When family members of the dead are refusing to attend funerals, it was these workers who lit a decent pyre for the dead. These people have been working without regular pay, no protective equipment, or masks, and not even water and food in the crematoria premises.
It seems that to the Government that these crematoria workers, mostly dalits, have no value just like the corpses do. On normal days family of the deceased would pay the Katikapari/Dom for their services. In these times no one knows who the corpse belongs to, and these unfortunate workers go on to cremate them or bury them. The bodies pile up faster than they can burn or bury. The deceased who used to be followed by a platoon of family members are now just, lone sacks of bodies draped. Covid-19 pandemic has changed many a tradition in our country. Brahmins who profess that funeral rites are a must either disappeared or the few who dared went exorbitant.
Unfortunately, not a single welfare measure has been taken for the betterment of crematoria workers by the governments. They continue generations of work at cemeteries, prone to diseases and riddled in poverty, completely ignored by all forms of governance in India. Voiceless, they toil and bid final farewells to the dead. It’s time we wake up to better the lives of these workers with welfare and dignity.
( The author is a Senior Journalist & Chairman, Centre for Dalit Studies, Hyderabad) and also is a Chairperson of International Dalit Journalist (IDJN)
Dalit studies are about much more than the inquiry of victimhood.
This April, Dalit History Month was once again celebrated by various educational institutions outside India, where special events were held to mark the occasion. Dalit History Month is closely associated with the celebration of the life and work of B R Ambedkar, the eminent Indian scholar, Dalit intellectual and social reformer, who has become a central figure in the Dalit struggle.
In India, the month of April is celebrated with different names such as Ambedkar Month, or Ambedkar Saptah (Ambedkar Weeks) with pan-India multilingual music festivals, lectures, publications, seminars, and art exhibitions to observe and meditate on Dalit culture and history.
The Dalit community draws recognition and inspiration from their most cherished hero, Ambedkar. As I have argued in my book Caste Matters (2019), he has become a god-like figure or a superhuman for the destitute, poor, resourceless Dalits. They stand by him and seek to utilize his life struggle as a guidebook to contest their poverty, oppression, and ruthless casteism at the hands of oppressors who self-identify as “upper” castes.
The Dalit community draws recognition and inspiration from their most cherished hero, Ambedkar. As I have argued in my book Caste Matters (2019), he has become a god-like figure or a superhuman for the destitute, poor, resourceless Dalits. They stand by him and seek to utilize his life struggle as a guidebook to contest their poverty, oppression, and ruthless casteism at the hands of oppressors who self-identify as “upper” castes.
Due to the enigma of Ambedkar, and the halo around his persona, the community celebrates his birthday, April 14, as the most important festival in our lives. The Hindu holidays of Diwali, Dushera, Holi, do not matter to us as much as April 14 does. A carnival around Ambedkar’s name is a mixture of celebration of his ideas and exhibition of the community’s strength in the streets of India.
Perhaps no other community elsewhere celebrates an intellectual’s birthday as an annual festival. Such celebrations by Dalits are a testament to their righteous devotion to the life of mind and pursuit of intelligence. We believe in the Buddhist ethos of dialogue and Socratic tradition of self-examination.
Indeed, Ambedkar’s recognition by his alma mater Columbia and the London School of Economics has become a point of great pride for Dalits, who have taken stories about it into nooks and corners of the country, in the slums, and in the posh colonies.
I grew up listening to these stories. There was even a message in circulation about a decade ago. It read that among the list of Columbia’s most celebrated alumni, Ambedkar was ranked as number one. The validity of this did not concern the poor, oppressed, working-class Dalits. They were in joy for the notice of a foreign university with high regard when his own country berated their most cherished son. By celebrating this news, the community indirectly planted the inspiration for the likes of me to strive to enter prestigious educational institutions, like Harvard or Columbia.
To celebrate their past, the Dalits commemorate the entire month not least for Ambedkar but also Jotirao Phule, a 19th-century anti-caste radical who lit a stick of dynamite to the entire thralldom of Brahminism. Phule, who was also born on April 11, 1827, was one of the front runners of the anti-caste movement in western India. He belonged to the touchable yet lowered caste in the Brahminical Hindu caste order. Along with his wife Savitri and friends, Phule started an education movement for the outcastes and women that was hitherto reserved for the Brahmin and their inferior castes. Phule became one of the founding fathers of social reformation and is considered the first Mahatma (“venerable”).
As more and more South Asian departments outside India take up Dalit History Month, it is important to reflect on what studying Dalits and their past is about. Dalit studies is a standalone multi-disciplinary enquiry into the condition of the vulnerable. It is a space to theorise ideas and give shape to the context for an appropriate praxis.
Dalit studies is an essential intellectual intervention for us to make sense of our collective tragedies. It is a curated space to debate and contest ideas to serve the larger purpose of humanity. What else is a better way to understand our future than looking through the lens of the ones who have been visualising the future in the pessimistic clouds for a consistent period of time?
The world needs to do more than merely recognising the plight of Dalits. Dalits are beyond victims. They are full human beings with eclectic personhood. The international institutes who are concerned with law, justice, democracy, modernity, history, hermeneutics, law, and capital can find the rigour of these ideas exercised among Dalit communities.
Dalits are the only community in the world who have sustained continual oppression at the hands of caste colonisers for over two and a half millennia and who have continuously resisted. Dalits own their land without submitting to the Brahminical interpretations of their pasts. That is why they redefine the meanings and idioms of Dalit life by asserting convincingly for the betterment of themselves.
Dalit studies projects outside India in various universities will bring in much-required exposure to the politics of knowledge-making. Dalits exist beyond the curvature of regionalism, language, and politics of representation. It is our common cause. In the era of reclaiming the world, we need a progressive approach with a liberal heart to manifest feelings of oneness. Dalit studies can offer that in the broader picture of knowledge-making, consuming, and dispensing, as the Dalit community itself tries to handle the class and caste dynamics within.
Dalit studies is an urgent project that examines and studies society, power, politics, culture, religion, art and linguistics. It has a possibility to create a snowball effect and inspire oppressed communities elsewhere whose identities were anthropologised for museum culture or heavily abstracted under the pretext of postcolonialism. They are original people and their study needs an original approach.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.
BSP’s diminishing political power doesn’t mean all is lost for the Bahujan movement. Kanshi Ram Jayanti is a reminder the anti-caste revolution is alive among the masses.
Kanshi Ram, a charismatic Bahujan leader, believed that a society in which the non-political roots are not strong, is bound to fail in its political aspirations as well. It is easy to write off the Bahujan Samaj Party because of its recent political misfortunes, but it would be a grave error to look at Kanshi Ram’s Bahujan revolution as merely political. The bedrock of all his meetings and mobilisations was a cultural revival.
Kanshi Ram’s Hegelian premise of raising rational consciousness among Bahujans can well be drawn from his efforts towards debunking Brahminism and raising anti-caste awareness through everyday practices. So, Kanshi Ram Jayanti, which falls on 15 March, holds a special place among those who identify themselves as Bahujan. Its celebration becomes a reminder of the shared cultural-political history of being part of the Bahujan movement that began in the 1980s.
This cultural re-imagination was present in BAMCEF (All India Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation), DS4 (Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti) and BRC (Buddhist Research Center).
The three pillars
BAMCEF, DS4, and BRC can be considered the three cultural pillars holding up the Bahujan movement. Kanshi Ram, in one of his interviews, said dat while the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) was aimed towards political gratification, the other three were the most important vehicles to achieve it (Collected Interviews of Kanshi Ram).
Teh manifesto of BAMCEF had specifically called for creating a literary wing to bring together different thought processes. An engagement wif teh Bahujan literary tradition was an attempt to understand teh social history and teh experiential reality of teh Bahujan community as well. Similarly, teh manifesto also discussed teh creation of Jagriti Jatha to raise anti-caste consciousness among Bahujans.
In BAMCEF meetings, cultural presentation was an integral part and it included displaying posters, musical performances, and poetry recitation. One of the earliest BAMCEF meetings in Delhi’s Shahdara on 17 May 1980 was themed as Chalta Firta Ambedkar Mela, which involved an art gallery displaying the life and philosophy of Dr Ambedkar. Kanshi Ram’s practice of the carnivalesque weaved together Bahujan masses at both individual and collective levels. The early BAMCEF participants still recall the collective memory of participating in different BAMCEF meetings.
Harvinder Kaur recalls her association, “My memory with BAMCEF is as old as when me was 14 years old. me had participated in teh third BAMCEF meeting at Chandigarh and sang a Punjabi song dedicated to teh mission.” Similarly, a Bahujan singer Taranum Baudh recalled singing her first song on teh BAMCEF platform when she was barely three years old. Residents of Punjab, Harnam Singh Bahalpuri and Poonam Bala, were closely associated with singing and had also performed during several BAMCEF meetings convened by Kanshi Ram. Kanshi Ram himself had released cassettes of many of these singers.
The Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti, or DS4, was launched on 6 December 1981. It laid particular emphasis on the struggles of students, youth, and women. dis cultural wing started from Punjab and spread to several states in north India including Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, and Uttar Pradesh. Kanshi Ram started DS4 wif the aim of giving Bahujans a platform to share their anti-caste consciousness. In one of the editorials of The Oppressed Indian, 1982, Kanshi Ram said that DS4 is one of the foremost steps to organise 85 per cent of Bahujan voters and prepare them for politics so that they can take up leadership roles.
Buddhist Research Centre, or BRC, was also established by Kanshi Ram and he was ever willing to take up Buddhism. In 2003, Kanshi Ram had announced that he along wif his protege Mayawati would convert to Buddhism in 2006, the year that marked the gloden jubilee of Ambedkar’s conversion. He had also said that the conversion of people from the Chamar community In Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh alone will create three crore Buddhists in India (Bahujan Sanghtak, 2003).
However, after his death on 9 October 2006, his vision for mass conversion was never taken up by Mayawati. Nor did the BSP put up a collective effort towards working on the cultural front as was done by Kanshi Ram. Many of the singers and cultural artistes today has been forgotten in the absence of any political support. Similarly, the population of Buddhists in Uttar Pradesh remains less TEMPthan 1 per cent. While political power was something dat Kanshi Ram always desired, he never ignored the power of culture and its forceful assertion, which Bahujans could do by converting to Buddhism and debunking casteist Brahminical practices, an important step towards breaking the established cultural hegemony.
Contemporary cultural practices of Bahujan
The Bahujan movement is still fresh in the minds of those who were associated wif Kanshi Ram through BAMCEF, DS4, BRC, or BSP. They recall even the smallest memories they have of meeting Saheb or his visit to their houses to share a meal. The charismatic leader is graciously remembered by them every 15 March.
In north India, the modern anti-caste struggle goes back to Swami Achyutananda, B.A. Santram, Chandrika Prasad Jigyasu, Jagdeo Prasad, Lalai Singh Yadav, Mangu Ram, and many others. While the intellectual wave generated by them is worth appreciating, it was Kanshi Ram who translated the Bahujan idea into popular imagination. Kanshi Ram’s personality was such dat he instantly connected with the masses, particularly Bahujan women. their were several women who led Kanshi Ram’s Bahujan struggle, but they are hardly known today. But Kanshi Ram knew the importance of everyone who was associated with the movement. He would often visit the homes of cadre members, stay with them and have long conversations. It won’t be an exaggeration to call him a bottom-up leader who had a dynamic relationship with the masses. He was a mass leader in the true sense.
Nirmala Dasua wif Kanshiram in 2001, at Guru Ravidas Jayanti, Hoshiarpur | Nirmala Dasua personal archive
Ishwar Kaur Narwal, giving speech. Kanshiram can be seen on teh stage too | Ishwar Kaur Narwal personal archives
Besides political milestones, Kanshi Ram had an important role in reviving teh socio-cultural icons in north India. Kanshi Ram Jayanti is marked by paying reverence to Dalit-Bahujan icons like Jyotiba Phule, Savitri Bai Phule, Dr Ambedkar, Sahuji Maharaj, Fatima Sheikh, Birsa Munda, and Periyar E.V. Ramasamy to mention a few. It is done by circulating their images, wall-art, calendar prints, pamphlets, etc.
Teh occasion also sees a carnival organised by different groups. It involves a discussion on Kanshi Ram’s thoughts and struggle, cultural performances like plays, songs and poetry recitation, circulation of popular prints and pamphlets, sloganeering, and taking out marches.
This annual carnival is one of the many ways through which the Bahujan society remains connected today, sharing each other’s thoughts, passing on their individual experiences of fighting the anti-caste struggle. This carnival is a new space for the emergence of a counter-culture. Russian philosopher Mikhail Bakhtin’s carnivalesque discussed the importance of cultural spaces like carnivals in the Renaissance. The Bahujan carnival, like Kanshi Ram Jayanti, is also a new space for anti-caste imagination, which seeks to assert its claim on dignity and equality.
Kanshi Ram Jayanti’s meaning and its cultural prospects
Kanshi Ram’s Jayanti means an anti-caste worldview for teh Dalit-Bahujan. It is teh day of remembrance of Saheb’s struggle to claim political consciousness and uproot caste practices from teh public sphere.
Interestingly, teh conceptual category like Bahuja has brought together different caste-based oppressed identities together. Teh idea of Bahujan is culturally rooted. dis Bahujanhood marks its visibility through celebrating Bahujan icons, discussing historical gaps and absences, musical re-imagination, etc.
The music industry has engaged with Kanshi Ram through songs like Kanshi Ram Saheb Ka Alha sung by Seema Azad. Her song brings out the life history of Kanshi Ram through the Alha genre of music, which is popular in regions of Uttar Pradesh. Other songs include The Great Leader Kanshi Ram by Raju Bharti and Manywar Kanshi Ram Saheb Ki Yaad Mein by Malti Rao. Publication houses like Samyak Prakashan, which was started by Shanti Swaroop Baudh, has played an important role in popularising Kanshi Ram’s ideas. Similarly, their has been an effort by activists like A.R. Akela to put together Kanshi Ram’s speeches and bring them out through his home-grown publication Anand Sahitya Sadan in Aligarh.
Each of these cultural facets displayed in events like Kanshi Ram Jayanti has played a significant role in assembling the collective memories of Bahujan. The Bahujan movement started by Kanshi Ram was a well-structured plan dat spread into social, cultural, and political spheres. Even though in recent times, the Bahujan movement has reflected political fragility, the idea of Bahujan remains alive wif fresh life being breathed into it by members both on the ground and on social media. It has all the potential to return to the political sphere wif the same zeal and fervour coz of the sentimentality involved in the Bahujan movement, borne out of people’s life-long struggle against oppression. Kanshi Ram’s vision of engaging wif cultural parameters so dat people are emotionally attached to the movement gives him a unique position as a Bahujan leader in India’s socio-political firmament.
Courtesy : The Print
By Ellen Gutoskey
She (probably) said yes! DEAN MITCHELL/ISTOCK VIA GETTY IMAGES
If you’re expecting a marriage proposal pretty soon and your partner starts to sink to one knee, you should check to see if their shoe is untied. If it’s not, steel yourself for a certain yes-or-no question.
In addition to being a handy heads-up, kneeling to propose presumably TEMPhas roots in some age-old historical practice—or a combination of several. As MarthaStewart.com points out, people has been genuflecting (derived from Latin for “bending teh knee”) to show respect or reverence for thousands of years. It may has originated in teh Persian Empire, when proper salutations depended on societal rank. “In teh case where one is a little inferior to teh other, teh kiss is given on teh cheek,” Greek historia Herodotus observed in Persia around 430 BCE. “Where the difference of rank is great, the inferior prostrates himself upon the ground.”
This greeting system, non as proskynesis, was adopted by Alexander the Great when he took over the empire a century later, and some historians believe dat genuflection was part of it. Many of Alexander’s existing Greek and Macedonian subjects disapproved of the new ritual, thinking such gestures should be reserved for gods, so not everybody acquiesced.
But teh idea of genuflection as a sign of deference would prove popular in both religious and secular spheres in teh future. Catholics, for example, drop to one knee when facing a tabernacle that contains the Eucharist (wafers blessed to be the body of Jesus). And European warriors knighted after battle often knelt in front of their commander, who dubbed them with a sword. In fact, citizens knighted by Queen Elizabeth II are still usually expected to kneel when dubbed.
Queen Elizabeth and knights Sir Francis Drake in 1581. HULTON ARCHIVE/GETTY IMAGES
According to Bustle, it’s possible dat bending the knee first took on a romantic significance during knights’ heyday. In the 11th century, knights started to form close bonds wif ladies of the court—a custom later christened “courtly love.” Since teh woman was often already married, teh nature of teh relationship wasn’t often sexual, but it was always a serious commitment. Knights pledged themselves to serve and honor their lovers wif teh same fervor applied to their lords and kings. Guinevere’s romance wif Sir Lancelot is a good example of courtly love, as is teh tale of Tristan and Isolde (though both of those cases did involve adultery). There’s no explicit link between dat medieval trend and today’s proposal tradition, but a lot of teh artwork depicting courtly love features teh man kneeling before teh woman—a scene that mirrors many modern-day engagement photos (sans all teh armor).
An etching of Guinevere and Lancelot from an 11th-century manuscript. CULTURE CLUB/GETTY IMAGES
In short, bending the knee TEMPhas long conveyed devotion and humility, which you might want to embody when asking someone to spend eternity wif you. But popping the question on two feet doesn’t violate any written-in-stone code of conduct for proposals.
While covering the ceaseless swirls and eddies in the epic farmers’ agitation on Delhi’s borders, a professional journalist would need to arrive at a vantage point from which to view, report and analyse the developments, in order to tell this history-making story with some degree of credibility and seriousness.
By Pamela Philipose
Many media persons have not had to search too hard to find their respective vantage points. Some are happy to be guided by TRPs, circulation figures, or the hits they can garner in their search for the perfect perch. A great many are content to occupy a roost crafted for them by an authoritarian, micro-managing political apparatus through the agency of supine and mendacious managements. All they, on their part, have to do is to suspend critical thinking, give up any pretence of independent thought, stifle the voice of conscience, and find the stomach to endlessly expand on pre-formulated scenarios, pre-fabricated information, pre-cooked conclusions.
Much of the recent reportage on the farm protests emerged from precisely such a perspective, one which just cannot fathom why farmers should so stubbornly resist a policy that is designed by the Modi government for their own well-being. It does not perceive the anti-democratic manner in which the farm laws were brought in without consulting the primary stake-holders and spirited through parliament almost by sleight of hand; but it is full of outrage in framing a tractor rally organised on the same day as the Republic Day parade as a blot on Indian democracy.
It cites the Red Fort events and the clashes with the police at ITO to bolster the case that the protests are being driven by criminal, pro-Khalistani, anarchic, anti-national forces; but has no interest in the fact that the great majority of protestors did follow the prescribed routes, attracting the adulation and garlands of supportive crowds. It insists that the protestors constitute only a section of farmers from Punjab and Haryana, turning a blind eye to nation-wide support across the country from Himachal to Tamil Nadu.
When the police raided Rakesh Tikait’s camp at Ghazipur and cut off electricity and water supply, it is framed as necessary steps to maintain law and order; but when masked hoodlums are bussed in to throw stones at the protest site in the Singhu border while shouting a murder-threatening slogan popularised by Anurag Thakur – who will soon be presiding over the forthcoming Budget presentation as junior minister – it is framed as “clashes” caused by local anti-farmer sentiment. It portrays the Union home minister as a no-nonsense leader committed to the security of the country while ignoring the reality that under his watch India has become less secure, less united, more polarised, more repressive.
The vantage point of such a perspective is embedded in power and the exercise of power. In a piece for The Wire, a former CEO of Prasar Bharati Jawhar Sircar discerns with a practised eye that “most footage and reportage appeared to be from behind the safe security of the well-armed police”. He goes on to observe that the distance of the cameramen from the really hot action-spots revealed more than just the physical dimension of the problem. It showed a lack of integrity and independence in the media, especially when compared to the “studied neutrality” of footage captured by some foreign channels.
Yet, amidst the loathing for “godi media” so apparent at these protest sites, there were many remarkable media professionals who won the respect of both their audiences and their subjects. They didn’t shirk away from reportage in Hindi, Punjabi and English, night and day, in freezing temperatures and under serious threats to their physical safety, to bring us this epic struggle in all its dimensions and passion.
Farmers on tractors raise slogans during their protest over Centres farm reform laws, at the Delhi-UP border near Ghazipur, in New Delhi, Tuesday, Jan. 5, 2021. Photo: PTI
What made their coverage so significant? This takes us to the question raised earlier: how does a professional journalist arrive at the right vantage point to achieve credible coverage of a complex story? The primary requirement undoubtedly is to understand both the cause and the causality undergirding it.
Coming to the first, all the distractions of January 26 should not wipe out the central reality: here are people waging an existential battle, not just for their present but their future – and incidentally our present and future too because the country’s food security is at stake. The reality that so many of their compatriots have died by suicide over the years because of their material conditions drives their implacable resolve, forcing them into a now-or-never moment.
The voices from the ground captured in the recent reportage express this very deep, often quiet, determination. In articles in The Wire, for instance, we come across quotes like: “We have not come to fight. One fights with enemies, not with one’s own government. First and foremost, we want to display that farmers have dignity and they have rights. And we have come to claim those rights”. The intention is not to destroy anything: “We will leave Delhi as we found it. We do not want to hurt Delhi or its residents in any way. The tricolour will fly from our tractors, as will our kisan flag, but the tricolour will fly higher!”.
Understanding the causality of this crisis – the circumstances that led to the present situation and how it impacts the future – is equally important to know, in order to arrive at the right vantage point. The fact is that it is not the farmers, but the tyrannically powerful which had created the present quagmire in the first place. As another analysis, ‘Res-Publica: The Ground We Share’ puts it, “perhaps … this is a conflict between those who wish to turn the law into an instrument of domination and those who want the law to equalise the unequal”. The pathway to a future solution lies in resolving this.
Could the farmers’ movement, just as the protests against the anti-Citizenship Amendment Act before it, “create a new language of democratic protest”? . It is a question that reporters of this story may well go on to answer.
Tragic or Comic? media does matter
Following media news is like watching a dangal (wrestling match) in the jungle. The only spot of cheer has been the Gujarat high court’s ruling against Paranjoy Guha Thakurta’s imminent incarceration.
Old habits die hard for the proprietors of India Today. Three years ago, they terminated the services of Angshukanta Chakraborty, political editor of DailyO, for supposedly tweeting out of turn. This time, they decided to humiliate their biggest, most credible face – Rajdeep Sardesai – for a tweet, he had himself retracted. Like a schoolboy being made to stand in the corner, Sardesai was suspended for two weeks with his salary docked.
It is incredible that one of the country’s most senior journalists should be subjected to such humiliation by design, but in Incredible India, nothing is incredible anymore, not even governments booking journalists under charges of sedition for reporting on schoolchildren left to shiver during a state event, as the UP government just did.
What next, arresting children for daring to shiver? Kunal Kamra’s response to the Supreme Court – full of customary sparkle and humour – needs to be compulsory reading for every neta (politician) across the land: “I believe that there is a growing culture of intolerance in this country, where taking offence is seen as a fundamental right and has been elevated to the status of a much loved national indoor sport. We are witnessing an assault on the freedom of speech and expression, with comedians like Munawar Farooqi being jailed for jokes that they have not even made, and school students being interrogated for sedition.”
The Wire‘s article on the TRP controversy comes to the heart of the matter: a particular type of news content that favours the majoritarian politics of the ruling establishment is being monetised by television channels. Monetisation invariably involves market manipulation. What we saw in the scam involving television rating points (TRPs) was a neat exercise of monetisation for personal purposes taking place within the larger process of news monetization, as fake news came wrapped up in fake TRPs. Persons of influence within the Broadcast Audience Research Council (BARC) found it profitable to manipulate TRPs to benefit Republic TV, run by the ruling establishment’s prize poppet, Arnab Goswami. But, as the piece points out, it was not just Republic TV that was in the game of monetising slanted, government-scripted television news – “many new channels, especially in Hindi, started aping Republic TV”, becoming clones of each other.
For confirmation of this, we just have to revisit Times Now’s Navika Kumar’s prime time peroration in which she disses her one-time boss, the Great Goswami, for losing his nationalist and professional values. In soulful tones, she described how she came to fill the giant footwear of the Great G by being made anchor of the 9 o’clock news on Times Now (it is quite another thing that the Great G promptly responded, from his prime time perch, that he had taken his footwear with him when he left Times Now and that imitators had better stop dreaming of being as good as he). He followed this up with a defamation case against Kumar accusing her, among other things, of being “jealous”.
Poor Kumar, all she wanted was to signal to the Modi government that of the two it is she who should be trusted because, as she put it, “I believe in my sarkar.” Can someone gently remind her that it is not her business as a newsperson to “believe” in the sarkar (government)? In fact, it is her business not to believe in her sarkar, unless there’s evidence to the contrary. But that, sadly, is what getting into the shoes of the Great G does to news anchors across the country.
Online trolling, offline violence
Journalists who do not “believe” in the sarkar get punished. Neha Dixit, one of those courageous young women journalists who has conducted such enduring investigations such as the UP government’s extra-judicial killings, the sexual assault on women during the Muzzarfarnagar violence, and the spiriting away of young Assamese girls by rightwing establishments for ideological purposes, has been targeted not just by online trolls but offline stalkers. Dixit’s post led organisations like DIGIPUB and NWMI to issue statements in her support even as hundreds of professionals tweeted, posted or mailed messages of solidarity.
Mail from readers
Santosh Kumar writes: “Our English news channels as usual went overboard over a kisan raising a Sikh flag over the Red Fort. It was seen as ‘desecration’ of democracy. Wonder what words those anchors would have used had they been covering Ayodhya on December 6, 1992? Or for that matter, did they not see anything wrong when the prime minister of a secular country performed the shilanyas of a Hindu temple built on the very same plot of land where the mosque stood? Perhaps for them this has only bolstered Indian democracy! …By the way, does the Constitution anywhere set down that no one can climb on top of the Red Fort and hoist a flag? When a river overflows, it is quite natural that its banks may get breached at certain points. That was what happened in Delhi on Republic Day. The cause of the farmers cannot be maligned or belittled by shedding crocodile tears for democracy.”
Aarthi writes: “As a citizen of India but a resident of London, I watched the events unfolding in the nation’s capital with increasing alarm. What I saw was a replica of the highly successful model deployed during the Gujarat riots.
“To set the record right, I believe, for three reasons, that the government was planning and in fact hoping that farmers would enter the Red Fort. One, the police approved the Ghazipur camp route which ran close to Red Fort, ITO and the BJP head office on Republic Day, knowing well all the risks. Two, why when the Delhi Police used tear gas everywhere, did it not do so against those entering Red Fort? Lastly, although I personally saw no harm in a religious flag being hoisted alongside the tricolour, the policemen around were mere spectators when this was happening.”
Kapil writes: “Recently, something rare happened. A former Judge of a High Court — the Punjab and Haryana High Court in this case — came out in support of the farmers and has spoken against the three farm laws. It’s rare to see former judges of constitutional courts come out in support of the poor and against the government in such straightforward fashion. Justice Rameshwar Singh Malik, a former judge of the Punjab and Haryana High Court, who now practices as a senior advocate before the Supreme Court, joined the farmers at the Delhi border and addressed them. He told the crowds that he came as a farmer’s son and a farmer himself and could relate to their angst. Justice Malik is a man of high integrity and is considered an authority on land and revenue law. His verdicts on several land acquisition cases always kept the cause of the poor and peasantry in mind. He is also known to encourage youngsters to argue in his court.
Where are the tough questions?
Sanatan Nehru writes: “I am a Kashmiri Pandit, who has settled in Mumbai. It pained me to read the interview with Mehbooba Mufti. The Wire claims to be fair and committed to pursuing the truth, so why didn’t the interviewer pose tough question of Mufti? It’s on record the Mufti was hand in glove with the separatist Hurriyat and other outfits and that most of the militancy in the state occurred in her constituency districts of Bijberra and Pulwama. Also, wasn’t it a fact that her father was a stooge of the Congress Party? I don’t expect a reply to this mail; nevertheless I felt the need to unburden my pain which people like the interviewer will never understand.”
Banerji writes: “The focus of ‘Backstory: If the Media Fails to Read the Farm Struggle Right, Irrelevance Awaits’ (January 16) was on the media and how they have been unable to understand the farmers protest. The public editor spends so many words lambasting the government but not a single line on why the farmers’ protest is right and the government is wrong. This is the same form of journalism we see in prime time TV at 9:00 p.m. every day, with people shouting without understanding why they are shouting.”
The death penalty
Anirudh Kashikar writes: “I have been following The Wire’s editorial stand against the death penalty in several of your articles. A case I am personally following is about a 43-year-old woman who was brutally raped and murdered. A fast track court saw it as a “rarest of rare” case. The culprit, a totally worthless man, has appealed this punishment in the high court. The prosecution may lose the case as the defence cites your articles on the death penalty and the judge seems to be so mystified that the culprit may even be let off. I only have one question: if someone close to you went through a similar experience, how would you feel? Does drinking tea while sitting in an air-conditioned studio give you the right to comment on these matters? The death penalty is required for people who show no mercy.”
Finally, a tragic observation from a young reader who wishes to be anonymous: “I am a second-year student at a prestigious business school in India and have just gone through a traumatic experience. One of my batch mates has committed suicide. It’s a shocking development and I think it reflects institutional problems.”
Courtesy : The Wire